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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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alliance with it, or at least; two of them are in alliance in every sense of the
word', and the third is in alliance in one sense or anotherówithout that
country being present. It may be that that was necessary. It may be
that at the point we reached in January, 1945, which, judging by the Prime
Minister's speech in October, was a point very different from that which
we reached three months sooner, this was the best and only thing to do.
But to say that it should be done with candies, bells, flags, ribbons,
rejoicings, and jigs, because this is the way to start building a new world
organisation, to say that is too much with which to face every Member as
has been done by the demanding and the advocacy of this Vote of Confidence.
Therefore, with the utmost reluctance, I find myself unable to give that
Vote. . . . We have not been the ones who, if our war machinery has been
proved to be a death-trap, if our ships have been sunk, or the "battle has
swayed the wrong way, or a great Ally has thought that a second front
ought to be opened at a point of time when to do such a thing would have
been a certain way of losing the war, have asked awkward questions and
have gone into the wrong lobbies on those occasions.
I ask the Government, before they repeat this experiment : what happens
if this goes wrong ? I am all for it going as right as it stands, but supposing
it goes wrong ? Suppose it becomes plain within the next six weeks or
six months that there was never any real chance of getting any real expression
of opinion or independence of provisional Government in Poland. It is
certainly going to be difficult. Anyone who listens to the Lublin wireless
will know that you are not allowed to have a typewriter, or listen to any
wireless except at a communal listening point. All parties and papers are
strictly controlled. We have been trying for 18 months to settle on a way
to have a general election in this country, and we have not yet brought it
off and, when it does come, we know that it will be a sweepstake. . . .
From Lublin information alone we know that it is almost inconceivably
difficult to arrange anything like a real election there.
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Eden) : . . . The hon.
Gentleman the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Mack) asked
whether facilities are now to be given to the representatives of the Lublin
Government to have contact with Polish seamen here, just as the repre-
sentatives of the London Government have contact with them. The
answer is,cc No." We have in no sense recognised the Lublin Committee
and, may I add, we have no intention of recognising the Lublin Committee.
We do not regard it as representative of Poland at all. When my right hon.
Friend and I met the representatives of this Committee in Moscow, I must
say that they did not make a favourable impression upon us. There is no
question, and the House need not be anxious that there is any question, of
our affording recognition to themónot at all. I hoped that I had made
that clear yesterday, but from some of the comments in the Debate, I am
not sure that I did. It does not surprise me to hear, for instance, as I was
told in this Debate, that the Lublin Radio is pouring out streams of con-
tentious stuff. I have no doubt what the Committee wants. Their purpose
is to maintain the position they already hold ; but that is not what we want,
nor is it what the Yalta Conference decided upon. The Foreign Secretary
of Soviet Russia and the Ambassadors are now beginning discussions in
Moscow, and we shall see whether a broadly representative Polish Govern-
ment can be created. If it can be created, and if we are satisfied that it Is
repres entative, then and only then will we and the United States Government
recognise it. If it cannot be created, we shall stay as we are. . . . We have
recognised this Government in London, which has gone through many
changes. We will continue to recognise it until a new Government is
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